Coddle and Dublin Lawyer

I got myself two cookbooks before Christmas, one with 1000 basic dishes for beginners, (I've 995 to go), the other a small Irish cookbook which included the quintessential Dublin dish, coddle.
It's a fairly basic meal, the book tried to complicate things a bit but basically its potatoes, sausages and rashers boiled together.
I did it the other day and it was tasty too, but I threw a bit of parsley in with it to add some flavour as spuds, sausages and rashers can only do so much.
I also did a meal from the book called Dublin Lawyer. I got a frozen lobster for £6.50 in Tescos in Belfast, cooked it in butter for a few minutes, poured some whiskey on it, lit the whiskey and poured cream over it all when the uisce beatha had burned itself out. And that's Dublin Lawyer.
I don't know where it got the name but presumably it was from a time when only lawyers in Dublin could afford it, or maybe it's because of the physical resemblance between lobsters and your average lawyers in the Four Courts, or even because many people in Ireland wouldn't mind seeing some lawyers thrown alive into boiling water : )?
As far as Dublin cuisine in the book goes there's also Dublin Bay Prawns and 'Dublin-Style' ham with apples, that's it and I don't know of any other dishes myself. Not that us Dubs should feel so bad, Ireland as a whole doesn't really have a cuisine of its own.
We do have a few unique dishes but a cuisine they do not make, there are probably villages in Spain and Italy that have more culinary variety in them than all of Ireland put together.
If you are what you eat that would make us mainly Anglo-American, I have to laugh everytime I see a sign in a chipper for 'Traditional Fish and Chips,' fish and chips being about as traditionally Irish as the Big Mac is.
Anyway I say if we don't have a cuisine there's no point complaining about it, we should create one.
Maybe cuisines should grow organically from the people, but we could always give it a boost, we could have a competition of some sort for our chefs and cooks and come up with dishes that for the most part use ingredients found in Ireland.
It wouldn't be ideal but sure there's no law against it.

Tráth dá raibh bhí drogall ormsa Lá a cheannach

Bhuel, a chairde, tá an ‘Lá’ tagtha, an lá deireanach a mbeidh an t-aon nuachtán laethúil Gaeilge agus Ceilteach san Réaltra i gcló.
Lá brónach é seo, cinnte, ní féidir é sin a shéanadh nó ligean orainn nach buile don Ghaeilge atá ann.
Tá neart fáthanna gur theip ar Lá, ach níor cheart dúinn ligean don díomá agus don fhearg muid a chur ar seachrán maidir leis an bpríomhchúis, sé sin, nár cheannaigh go leor daoine é.
Bhí cúpla locht ag daoine ar Lá, an ceann is mó ná go raibh sé róbheag.
Nuair a bhíonn daoine in Éirinn ag smaoineamh ar cad is nuachtán ann, ní foilseachán 12 nó 16 leathanach a bhíonn ar intinn acu.
Más ag lorg eolas cuimsitheach faoin saol atá, ní bhfaighfidh i Lá é.
Níor thuig daoine nárbh fhéidir nuachtán mór a tháirgeadh ar bheagán acmhainní ach i ndeireadh na dála, is cuma sa tsioc ar thuig nó nár thuig, ní féidir argóint a dhéanamh leis an margadh, ní féidir leis an margadh a bheith ‘mícheart’.
Ní féidir impí ar dhaoine nuachtán 12 leathanach a cheannach le geallúint go bhfeabhsóidh sé amach anseo, am éigin.
Dá mbeadh margadh ann do nuachtán laethúil Gaeilge, is do nuachtán cuimsitheach 32-leathanach ar laghad a bheadh sé.
Sula mbreathnaím ar chúrsaí deontais, ba mhaith liom cúpla figiúr a chur os bhur gcomhar.
Díoltar 650,000 nuachtán Béarla sa Phoblacht, gach lá, sin thart ar nuachtán amháin in aghaidh gach seisear cainteoirí Béarla líofa.
Deir 1,600,000 duine go bhfuil Gaeilge acu agus measaim go bhfuil thart ar 200,000 acu líofa.
Ní raibh Lá Nua ach ag díol 1,500 cóip in aghaidh an lae, sin cóip amháin i gcomhair gach 133 cainteoir Gaeilge líofa.
Mar aon leis sin, as an 8,800 duine a shínigh achainí idirlín ar son an nuachtáin i mbliana, is ó Thír na mBascach a tháinig thart ar 7,500 acu. Mar sin, is cosúil go bhfuil lucht na Bascaise níos buartha faoi bhás nuachtán laethúil na Gaeilge ná pobal na Gaeilge, na daoine a bhí an nuachtán in ainm is a bheith ag déanamh freastail orthu.
Is léir uaidh sin nach raibh suim ag formhór na gcainteoirí Gaeilge in Éirinn sa nuachtán, agus go bhfuil líon na ndaoine atá sásta nuachtán a cheannach ‘ar son na cúise,’ daoine a bhfuil suim acu i nuacht faoin nGaeilge seachas i nuacht trí Ghaeilge, go bhfuil an líon sin fíorbheag ar fad.
Bhí daoine ann a mhol an nuachtán go hard agus a bhí dílis don nuachtán, agus táim féin an-bhuíoch díobh, ach ní raibh go leor acu ann, i ndeireadh na dála.
Figiúr eile ba cheart a chur san áireamh ná nár líonadh ach 8,000 foirm le haghaidh Dhaonáireamh 2006 amach i nGaeilge.
Léiríonn sé sin go bhfuil lúb ar lár, áit éigin, go bhfuil bearna idir an méid daoine atá in ann an teanga a léamh agus an méid a léann an teanga.
Bhí cúiseanna eile ag baint leis na figiúirí ísle díolacháin.
I gcomparáid le páipéir i mionteangacha eile san Eoraip, roinnt acu atá chomh beag le Lá, ní rabhthas in ann cóipeanna a sheachadadh chuig tithe síntiúsóirí ar bhonn laethúil.
Mar shampla, is iad na nuachtáin Shualainnise san Fhionlainn na nuachtáin mhionteangacha is rathúla san Eoraip agus is trí shíntiús a dhíolann siad 99% dá n-eagráin.
Nuair is cúrsaí teanga atá faoi chaibidil, ní féidir neamhaird a thabhairt ar an tsíceolaíocht chomh maith, rud a bhaineann le teideal an ailt seo.
Níos lú ná sé mhí sular thosaigh mé ag obair le Lá, tharla sé cúpla uair go raibh drogall nó faitíos fiú, ormsa, an nuachtán a cheannach.
Sular thosaigh mé ag déanamh cúrsa cumarsáide Gaeilge in OÉG i mí Mheán an Fhómhair 2005, ní raibh mórán cur amach agam ar an nuachtán.
Cainteoir Gaeilge a bhí ionam, bhí spéis agam sa teanga agus thaitin sé liom í a labhairt le pé duine a bhí sásta í a labhairt liom.
Ag an am, ní raibh mé sásta, áfach, stró a chur orm féin ar son na teanga, nó rud a dhéanamh díreach ar son na cúise.
Nuair a thosaigh mé ag ceannach Lá, is ar mhaithe leis an teanga a bhí sé, ní chun faisnéis faoi chúrsaí móra an tsaoil a fháil - is ón Irish Times a fuair mé é sin.
Baineann an drogall a bhí orm in amanna leis an drogall nó eagla atá ar dhaoine in Éirinn roimh an nGaeilge.
Agus mé i siopaí, ba léir nach raibh mé ag ceannach Lá ar mhaithe le gnáthnuacht, agus mhothaigh mé in amanna go raibh comhartha mór ar mo cheann a dúirt ‘Is Gaeilgeoir mé.’
In Éirinn, is ionann a bheith i do chainteoir Gaeilge uaireanta agus duine a bheith ag tiomáint suas bóthar aontreo an bealach mícheart.
Tá an eagla sin a bhí orm ó thaobh na Gaeilge de imithe anois, ach tá an lámh in uachtar aige go fóill ar fhormhór na ndaoine in Éirinn, agus níl dabht ar bith agam ach go raibh roinnt den drogall céanna ar dhaoine maidir le Lá a cheannach.
Deirtear go mbíonn lagmhisneach ar lucht na Gaeilge, ach is mún dreoilín san fharraige an lagmhisneach sin i gcomparáid leis an lagmhisneach atá ar an chuid eile den phobal faoinár dteanga dhúchais. Sin an fáth gur dhiúltaigh siad dó sa chéad áit agus an fáth go ndiúltaíonn go fóill.
Dá mbeadh lagmhisneach ar lucht na Gaeilge, ní bheimis ann in aon chor óir bheadh droim láimhe iomlán tugtha againn don teanga.
An cáineadh is minice - seachas téagar an nuachtáin - ná go raibh an iomarca scéalta faoin nGaeilge ann.
Bhí sé seo fíor, ach bhí cúis leis, as siocair nach raibh éinne eile sa tír sásta nó ábalta scéalta faoin teanga a fhoilsiú.
Níl an spás ag Foinse na scéalta ar fad a bhaineann leis an teanga a chlúdach agus ní bhíonn na nuachtáin Bhéarla sásta iad a fhoilsiú. Breathnaigh, mar shampla, ar an iarracht choinsiasach atá ar bun acu neamhaird a thabhairt ar na hionsaithe ciníocha atá á ndéanamh ag an DUP, UUP agus an TUV ar an nGaeilge faoi láthair.
Maidir leis an deontas a fuair an nuachtán, dúirt Foras na Gaeilge go raibh deireadh á chur acu leis de bharr nach raibh margadh ann don nuachtán.
Ní hé sin iomlán na fírinne, áfach.
Más ag brath ar an margadh amháin a bhí na meáin in Éirinn, ní bheadh Foinse, Raidió na Gaeltachta agus TG4 ann óir tá siad uilig beo ar dheontais (mar atá Lyric FM agus RTÉ é féin).
An difríocht idir na seirbhísí sin agus Lá ná go bhfuil siad nach mór inchurtha le táirgí a chuireann na meáin Bhéarla ar fáil. Tá cuma nuachtáin ar Foinse agus bhí ar leagan seachtainiúl Lá, ach ní raibh ar an leagan laethúil.
An fhadhb leis an gcinneadh atá déanta ag an bhForas ná go bhfuil sé ráite go soiléir anois nach seirbhís phoiblí atá i dteideal deontais é nuachtán laethúil Gaeilge (agus níor chuir pobal na Gaeilge an cás seo chun cinn go láidir, i ndáiríre), rud a chiallaíonn go bhfuil gach seans ann nach mbeidh nuachtán dá leithéid ann go ceann gúine nó níos mó.
Ní bheidh éinne sásta nuachtán clóite a chur ar fáil sa ghearrthréimhse, go háirithe leis na hathruithe atá ag teacht ar an earnáil nuachtáin le fás an idirlín.
I ndeireadh na dála, má tá deontas le fáil ag nuachtán laethúil Gaeilge, caithfidh tóir réasúnta bheith ag an bpobal air, agus níl ar Lá i láthair na huaire.
Dá mbeadh cainteoirí Gaeilge ag ceannach nuachtán laethúil ina dteanga mar a cheannaíonn cainteoirí Béarla, bheadh 33,000 cóip á gceannach in aghaidh an lae.
Ábhar machnaimh atá ansin dóibh siúd a bhfuil spéis acu in earnáil nuachta na Gaeilge.
Mar fhocal scoir, caithfidh mé a rá gur bhain mé an-sult go deo as a bheith ag obair le Lá agus le Lá Nua, gur pribhléid a bhí ann dom agus ba mhaith liom buíochas a ghabháil leis na daoine a chuir a gcroí isteach sa togra uaillmhianach, aislingeach seo agus leis na léitheoirí ar fad.
Tá díomá orainn inniu, ach murab ionann is ár dteanga, ní mhairfidh an díomá.
Beidh lá eile ann.

There is no 'Dublin Government'

Call it what you like, the Irish Government, the National Government, the Government of the Republic, the Free State Governent, the 26 County Government, but the government that resides in Dublin is not the Dublin Government, in fact, there is no ‘Dublin Government.’
The representatives in Leinster House are elected by the people of the entire Irish Republic, not by the people of Dublin, and as well as that, a large number of the TDs elected in Dublin aren't even from the capital originally.
From what I see people from outside the city only use the term ‘Dublin Government’ when they don't like a decision made by the national government, which they elect themselves.
They disagree with a decision the government makes and because that government is located in Dublin, they blame the people of Dublin, or the city itself.
The use of ‘Dublin’ in this case is meant as a term of abuse, playing to the chip on the shoulder that some people in Ireland have about the capital, the same chip people in every country in the world have about their capitals or largest cities. This is all the more ironic given that our ruling Fianna Fáil party gets more support outside Dublin than in it.
Republicans may not like to use the term ‘Irish Government’ in case it is seen to legitimize partition in some way, but whatever about the issues people have with the term, the 'Irish Government' it is still far more accurate than the ‘Dublin Government.’
I've heard people from outside the city complaining along the lines that ‘Dublin doesn't care about us.’
You would almost think that there was some sort of a conspiracy involving the one million people living in Dublin to cod the rest of the country.
I don't hear people saying that Donegal, Galway, Cork, Tipperary or any other county in Ireland 'cares' about Dublin or anywhere else, or how exactly an entire county can care about another one.
Not only is it inaccurate to compain about the 'Dublin Government', it's childish and it does people outside of Dublin more harm than good by focusing their anger on the wrong culprit for any lack of fair play from the national government, real or imagined.
If there are problems in Ireland they are not the fault of the 'Dublin Goverment,' because no such a thing exists.

Gaeilge na Mí

Ní bhaineann an t-alt seo le Ráth Chairn nó Baile Ghibb, ach leis an nGaeilge a bhíodh á labhairt i gContae na Mí go stairiúil.

Is ón leabhar Gaelic Dialect in East and Mid-Leinster (1933) le Donn Piatt a tháinig na habairtí thíos.

Tá go leor eolais bailithe maidir le Gaeilge na Mí agus tá súil agam níos mó de a fhoilsiú amach anseo.
Dúirt Piatt gur tháinig na habairtí seo ó fhear darbh ainm P. Fagan, agus go bhfuair seisean iad óna athair Séamas 'ac Áogáin.
Scríobh Piatt an méid seo faoi;
"Séamas 'ac Aogáin, from whom these phrases were taken, died in 1929. He was born and lived at Churchtown, near Robertstown, Trim, and his birth registered at the parish church in Dunderry. His father, also a native speaker, died in 1907."

Gaeilge Ultach a bhí aige gan amhras ach an rud is spéisiúla faoi ná gur mar 'ch' scornúil a dúradh 'th' in 'maith' agus 'dóthain.'

"Bhfuil sé ag fearthainn" (Will she farann) 'e' in 'met'.
"Sin praiseach" (Shin presheh) 'e' in 'met'.
"Bhí mé ag cúl a'ráithín" (Vee meh eh cool a raheen)
"Fuair mé boltarán buí" (Foor meh boltarawn bweeyeh)
"Caidé mar a tá tú" (Go kay m'ata tuh) 'u' short.
"Tú an gasún maith" (Tú an gawson myc'h)
"Tú an ghirseach mhaith" (Tú'n gherrsheh wyc'h) Final 'th' of 'maith' pronounced as a guttural 'ch.'
"Bhí gearrán mór aige" (Vee garron more aige)
"Chuaigh sé na Bóthar Buí" (Fooie she/sha an Bawhur Bweeyeh). (Bóthar Buí=Enfield).
"Tchím madadh dubh" (Cheem mawdoo doo)
"Tá tae mo dhóthain agam" (Ta tae mo ghorc'han agam) ch guttural.
"Go raibh muid slán folláin n' am seo arís" (Go row)

Kal meh (I ate)
Praeta-Potato
Casóg (Cawsog) 'og' as in 'dog'
Ciotóg (Kithoge) acc on first syllable. 'Oge' as 'og' in 'dog.'

Tá tuilleadh eolais maidir le Gaeilge na Mí ar fáil ó na foinsí seo agus tá súil agam roinnt den ábhar a chur ar an mblag seo amach anseo.

Gaedhilg na Midhe, An tUltach 14:7
(8/1937) Lch 5, le Donn Piatt.
Giotaí de Ghaeilg dhúchasach na Midhe, An
tUltach 29:6 (6/1952) Lgh 11-12, le Donn Piatt.
Gaeilge na Mí, An tUltach 44, uimh. 9, Meán Fómhair 1967, Lgh 9–10, le Donn Piatt.
An 'Ghaoluinn' i dtuaisceart Átha Cliath, An tUltach 10:4 (06/1933) Lgh 2-3 (Co na Midhe), le Donn Piatt.
Gaeilg na Midhe, Ríocht na Midhe 2, Uimhir 1, 1959, Lgh 61–62, le Maighréad Uí Chonmhidhe.
A south Meath glossary, Ríocht na Midhe 2, Uimhir 2, 1960, Lgh 69–72; 2, Uimhir 3, 1961 Lgh 57–59, le Margaret Conway.
Canúint na Mí, Studia Hibernica 31, le Nicholas Williams.
The Leinster dialect, An Claidheamh Soluis 12:40
(10/12/1910) 21; 12:43 (31/12/1910) 5-6; 12:48 (4/2/1911) 5-6, le Seosamh Laoide.

Tá liosta níos cuimsithí ag Ciarán Ó Duibhín ag www.smo.uhi.ac.uk/~oduibhin/oirthear/biblio.txt agus is cinnte go bhféadfaí  saothar mór a dhéanamh ar Ghaeilge na Mí dá mbailleofaí an t-ábhar uilig le chéile.

Tá liosta d’fhoinsí a bhaineann le Gaeilge Laighean ar fáil ag an nasc seo.

http://bill.celt.dias.ie/vol3/classifications.php?ClassificationID=139

“That’s just to show that I’m not a bigot” An interview about Irish with Cllr. Robin Stirling of the TUV

Recently I had the chance to speak to Robin Stirling, a councillor with the Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) on Ballymena Borough Council, about his views on the Irish language.
Councillor Stirling proposed a motion in the council at the start of the month condemning funding given by the British government to Irish language broadcasting in the North.
The motion was passed after an amendment by the DUP, the three nationalists on the council, two SDLP and one SF, voted against it and the UUP abstained.
We published the interview in Lá Nua last Friday but here is what he had to say.
Councillor Stirling has two reasons for objecting to money being spent on Irish, one he believes it’s a waste because the the revival of the language is a ‘mission impossible,’ the second is the link he sees between the Irish language and Irish identity.
He also gave some unprompted views on concerns he has about immigration to the Republic and the North at the end of the interview.

“I’m very fond of the South of Ireland but I’ve never heard Irish being spoken there, I’ve asked people in shops in Dublin if they spoke Irish and they said no and in fact one woman had very negative view of it due to her experiences in school.
“The South had over 80 years to revive the language and has failed.
“They had a clear field, there was no minority to oppose it, but it was a mission impossible, and there’s no point in wasting money on an impossible mission.
“Why should we be funding a language that will never get off the ground?
“I studied French and can understand a good bit of it but I’m not looking for public money to be spent on it.”
Some have argued that Irish should receive support in Northern Ireland, the same as Welsh and Scottish Gaelic do from the British Government, and that Unionists are in fact adopting an anti-British approach in their opposition to Irish.
Did Councillor Stirling agree Irish should be treated the same as indigenous languages in other parts of the UK?
“That would presume that I agree with funding for those languages too,” he said.
“I’ve holidayed in Wales on many occasions and I’ve never heard Welsh being spoken.
“No one would argue that English is the main language of these islands and instead of spending money on other languages we should be making certain that people have a good level of English.”
During the debate in Ballymena Council Councillor Stirling mentioned the famous “every word of Irish learned is like a bullet in the struggle for freedom” line said by someone in Sinn Féin in the early 1980s.
I asked him did he himself believe that this ‘word-bullet’ theory was true but I couldn’t get an answer out of him, nor to the question of how exactly Unionists would be forced against their will into a United Ireland even if every Nationalist in Northern Ireland spoke Irish.
(In hindsight I could have asked him about the British Army's own Royal Irish Regiment's Irish language motto but I probably wouldn't have gotten a straight answer to that either).
When I asked him did he see a link between the Irish language and Irish identity his answer was “no doubt I do” and he also agreed that the language was a badge or symbol of Irishness and that this was part of the reason for his opposition to it.
“I don’t see the Irish language in a vacuum, it’s part of an assault on the Unionist community.
“Our attitude is that the Irish language is identified with the push for a United Ireland.
“Unfortunately due to the capitulation of the DUP we will see our English, British culture supplanted by Irish culture which I find anathema.”
I suggested that he was implying that British culture and English culture were the same thing but he didn’t answer that.
I also suggested that Irish could be viewed as a part of British culture if Unionists wanted, as it was a native language of part of the UK. 
Councillor Stirling’s answer to this was that he disputed the fact that Irish is a native language of Northern Ireland.
“It’s identified with those who used the bomb and bullet and with the Republic that gave refuge to those who used violence.”
When I pointed out the fact that British opposition to the Irish language predates the Troubles and goes as far back as the Middle Ages, Councillor Stirling said that “we can’t analyse the past but it’s a fact that a nation that would conquer another nation would attempt to supplant the culture that was there before.
“The thing people don’t understand is that we oppose a United Ireland because we feel we would be mistreated the same way as Protestants in the South were with draconian laws, I don’t believe the South is a democracy or has ever been a democracy, it’s been run by the people who came out of Maynooth.
“If there had been a United Ireland there would have been an attempt to supplant the culture and religion of the community here.”
He then asked me where I was from and when I told him I was from Dublin he said “if I were from Dublin I’d be tremendously worried about the influx of immigrants there.
“If you bring in a sufficient number of people you dilute the culture that’s there already.
“I’d prefer the purity of Irish nationalism or republicanism to what is coming.
“I was in Connolly station recently and saw three coloureds smoking even though there was sign saying no smoking.”
When I pointed out that many Irish people break no-smoking rules he said “I know if I was in another country I would obey the laws of that country.”
He also said that “we’ve a terrible problem (in the North) with people from far off places driving cars without tax or insurance.”
He then told me the reason he wanted to enlighten me about his views on immigration; “That’s just to show that I’m not a bigot.”

End game in Iraq

Barack Obama will have lots of problems to deal with when he takes office in America. The biggest foreign issue is Iraq, but this will in fact be one of the simpler ones to extricate the US from.
The end game in Iraq is approaching and could be over in two years.
The reason for this relates to the most powerful group in Iraq. It's not the US, Al Queda, the insurgents or Iran, it's the Shia population who make up 60% of the population.
The politicians they've elected want the US troops out by 2011 and Obama couldn't do much about that even if he wanted to keep them in Iraq in the long term.
The insurgents in Iraq have killed and seriously injured thousands of US troops since 2003, and they only had the active support of the Sunni community, 20% of the total population.
If the Shia rose up against the occupation the US troops would be driven out in no time.
George Bush had a straightforward plan when he launched his invasion, the US was going to appoint a government (http://www.commondreams.org/views04/0122-06.htm) and they were going to rubber stamp a new constitution described as a 'capitalist's dream' by the Economist (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/4417759.stm), which would allow the privatisation of all state companies, including the state oil company.
Then he was hoping that the Iraqis would vote for his yes-men, like Iyad Allawi, in elections after the constitution was enacted.
But when the Shia religious leader, Ayatollah Ali Al Sistani, said the plan wasn't acceptable, the US had to accept what he said.
You would have to be pretty daft to think the Iraqi people would accept this sham arrangement, especially when you recall how George Bush I stabbed the Shia population in the back after the first Gulf War when he allowed Saddam Hussein to kill thousands of them after he urged them to overthrow the dictator.
You would have to be a complete lunatic, like George Bush II, to launch an invasion on the belief that the Iraqi people would accept a US installed constitution and a permanent occupation.
With the Iraqi government wanting the US soldiers out by 2011 Obama will probably let on that he has done a deal with them to bring the boys home, but it won't be his choice, it will be the choice of the Iraqi people.

An vótálfadh muidne ar son Taoiseach Afracach-Éireannach?

Tá ardmholadh tuilte ag muintir Mheiriceá anois go bhfuil Uachtarán Afracach-Méiriceánach tofa acu. Ceist atá agam ná an vótáladh muidne ar son Taoiseach Afracach-Éireannach*, ie, duine Éireannach le sinsir ón Afraic?
Dá n-aontóinn le polasaithe an duine agus páirtí s'acu tá's agam go gcaitheann vóta ar a son nó ar a shon, gan amhras ar bith.
Ní fheicimse fáth nach vótálfainn mar sin agus is amhlaidh a bheadh sé le ceannaire baineann nó ceannaire ó aon chúlra eile.

Sílim gurb é an t-aon leithscéal a bheadh ag daoine ciníochacha le cur in éadan duine Éireannach ó chúlra Afracach ná sa go cás go bhfuair tuistí s'acu tearmann anseo go bréagach, bheidís ag cur an milleán ar an bpáiste i leith peacaí na sinsear.

(*Níl an gineadach ar 'Taoiseach Afracach-Éireannach' ar eolas agam, 'ar son Taoisigh Afracaigh-Éireannaigh'?)